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RESEARCH
General
History
THE
NIXON YEARS
Book revisits Watergate,
Nixon and his effort to control media
Craig Chamberlain,
News Editor
(217) 333-2894; cdchambe@uiuc.edu
6/1/03
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| Photo
by Bill Wiegand |
| Journalism
professor Louis Liebovich has written "Richard Nixon,
Watergate, and the Press," thought to be the first book
to draw extensively on Nixon tapes released since 1996. |
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CHAMPAIGN,
Ill. — Thirty years ago this month, the nation’s attention
was riveted on the Watergate hearings in the U.S. Senate, and the testimony
there would help bring down a president.
But
much was still not known at the time about the level of corruption and
when it began, or about the degree to which Richard Nixon sought to
control the press, says Louis Liebovich, a professor of journalism
at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign and the author
of a new book.
In
"Richard Nixon, Watergate, and the Press" (Praeger) –
thought to be the first book to draw extensively on Nixon tapes released
since 1996 – Liebovich argues
that Watergate, or its equivalent, was almost inevitable from the first
days of Nixon’s presidency. "Watergate was a misfortune ordained
by marred White House logic, evident in the earliest Oval Office conversations,"
Liebovich says.
Unlike any president before him, Nixon came to office determined to
go to war immediately with the news media and journalists, Liebovich
said. He avoided news conferences and moved reporters’ offices
farther from everyday activities at the White House. He also approved
spying and wiretaps on journalists, the first of the wiretaps coming
four months into his term (three years before Watergate).
"The Nixon White House tolerated no criticism … They reacted
to every slight and sought retribution against those who did not fall
in line," Liebovich said.
In the fall of that first year, Vice President Spiro Agnew began a high-profile
attack on specific newspapers and networks, and their executives, accusing
them of a liberal bias. It was "merely a ploy for Nixon and his
people to regain control over what the nation’s media reported,"
Liebovich said.
Nixon was obsessed with his image, and directed his own press strategy,
often in great detail. His orders were passed through Chief of Staff
H.R. Haldeman, "the quintessential hatchet man," Liebovich
said. "A review of Haldeman’s files shows that he (Haldeman)
controlled press relations and communications strategy while taking
his direction daily from the president." Nixon’s press secretary,
Ronald Ziegler, and director of communications, Herbert Klein, were
only "puppets."
The effects of Watergate linger in part because Nixon tried as hard
to control history after his resignation as he did to control the media
while in office, Liebovich said. Nixon and others in his administration
claimed he had done nothing different from other presidents, and implied
it was just politics and persecution by his enemies that brought him
to resign.
"The more they made that argument, the more disenchanted people
became," Liebovich said, "so in trying to save themselves,
what they did in effect was to badly damage the presidency."
"We know now from the evidence that, despite all the explanations
and justifications that were offered later, Nixon oversaw one of the
most corrupt and immoral administrations in U.S. history, and we know
that an abnormal preoccupation with the influence of the press was largely
responsible for the most despicable of White House covert activities."
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